Comments:As to the form linburi, there are at least two possible explanations: (1) an excrescent /b/ before following liquid, typologically similar to Eng. timber, Old Saxon timber, Old High Ger. zimbar, Old Norse timbr, etc., from the IE root *dem- ‘build’; French chambre < Lat. camera, etc.; (2) Trask unequivocally regarded internal Bsq /m/ as derived from *nb (HB 133), though Mitxelena was somewhat more circumspect about this, discussing it at length (Fonética, chapter 18) and noting secondary cases of /nb/ such as (AN, B, G) ganbela ‘manger’ < Lat. camella (REW 1543). Some of these may be due to folk hypercorrections.
Comments:Compound with *śuge 'snake' (q.v.), or *śuśker̄ 'lizard' (q.v.). The second element matches well with PEC *ʎwitʎwiɫV 'lizard'. The northeastern Bsq variant -kander/la is blended with *kandela 'candle' (< Rom.), from the candle-like shape of the animal.
Comments:The extent of *lerde-n is uncertain: Azkue cites it as (c) (= common Bsq). The two variants seem to be the results of metathesis: *lirai-n < *ƛ̣ǝ̆lV́-, *lerde-n < *lǝ̆ƛ̣V́-, or the like. Larrasquet emphasizes that the ZBR word means 'standing upright' ('personne qui se tient droit').
Comments:In this analysis the PSC root *ƛV́mc̣V has two major reflexes in Bsq: (1) with no prefix and the common fossilized plural suffix *-r-: *ƛV́mc̣V-r- > *listo-r̄, with the usual loss of *-m- in a cluster and /st/ reflex corresponding to tense PNC *-c̣_-; and (2) with the fossilized class prefix *e= and syncope of the root vowel: *e=lco. This root has blended in some forms with Bsq *lose-r̄ / *leiso-r̄ (q.v.), a similar but etymologically distinct root. The second element -fin BNV lista-fin is unclear, but could be a reduced cognate of PEC *pä̆nqwV ‘bee’.
Comments:An archaic word used by Haraneder (18 c.) and Oihenart (17th c.). In this analysis it comes from a metathetic variant of PSC *xwōlɦV́: *lɦōxwV́. Bsq *lohi 'mud' (q.v.) is an unrelated homonym.
Comments:Cf. Avar ƛ̣:onž ~ ƛ̣:užna ~ ƛ̣:ož 'wasp', with cognates (or loanwords) in Karata, Akhwakh, Bagwali, Chamali, Botlikh, and Khwarshi (Zhirkov 1936; SKJa; not in NCED). Bouda (1948) compared Bsq + Avar. The second element -fin, -bi(ña) is unclear, but could be a reduced cognate of PEC *pä̆nqwV ‘bee’. Cf. Bsq *listo- / *e=lco, which is of distinct origin but has blended with this root.
High Navarrese:magauri, maguri, marauri, mauli, malubi
Salazarese:maurgi, malubi
Baztanese:mauri
Aezkoan:maulubi
Roncalese:margu
Comments:This is etymologically distinct from other Bsq words for 'strawberry' (see *mar̄uhi / *mahur̄i), and close in form to Bur *maɣar- 'mulberry'. There has however clearly been some blending of reflexes of *maguli / *malugi with those of *mar̄uhi / *mahur̄i.
Comments:The Bsq-NC comparison requires metathesis such as *mVʕVćV > Bsq *mahać. Cf. the metathesis in Adyge nāpca ‘medlar’ < *banca < *bVmc:ʷV (NCED). *banca (*bantsa) is remarkably similar to Michelena’s *banats ‘grapes’.
Meaning:1 thick, heavy club 2 (shepherd's, bishop's) crook, crosier 3 forked pole, fork 4 hook 5 cane, staff
Bizkaian:maket 1
Gipuzkoan:(Berastegi) mako 4
High Navarrese:(Arakil) mako 3, (Lezaka) mako 4
Low Navarrese:mako 2, 5
Lapurdian:mako 2, 3, 4, 5
Baztanese:mako 3, 4
Roncalese:mako 2
Comments:The status of (c) makila, makhila ‘stick, cane’ is disputable: Michelena (1961: 51) and some earlier scholars derive it from Latin bacilla, plural of bacillum ‘rod’, but it seems just as likely to be a native development of the root *mak-, or a blend of Bsq *mako + Lat. bacilla.
